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Islam is derived from the Arabic root "Salema": peace, purity, submission and obedience. In the religious sense, Islam means submission to the will of God and obedience to His law: http:://


However Islam also has a very political side, that of sharia law and to a growing number of people that aspect predominates over the religious aspect. Ex-Muslim, Ayaan Hirsi Ali has described it as: “Islam is not a religion of peace, it’s a political theory of conquest that seeks domination by any means it can.”


This smearing nonsense has to stop.  I don’t like Islam and I have every right to feel that way.  As a woman who believes in free speech, it is entirely justified.  In order to preserve the rights and safety of women, and our right to speak our minds, I believe we must end immigration from Muslim countries.  Its not a conclusion I want to reach, but common sense tells me it’s unfortunately necessary.

I want to halt immigration from theocratic or tyrannical societies because I believe in freedom.  Freedom and totalitarianism, especially religious totalitarianism which gives itself the authority of the creator of the universe, cannot live side by side.  You must pick one.  I pick freedom, and I will fight to preserve it from all that threatens it.

This isn’t fascism.  This is commitment to liberty and democracy.  I will hold fast to this commitment and I will not cower down.  I will fight for our age-old liberties, and if I become leader, UKIP will be a party that fights for our age-old liberties.

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1. This Act may be cited as the “Maldivian Citizenship Act”.

2. Any person, who wishes to become a citizen of Maldives, shall have the right to submit a written application to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, provided he qualifies the following conditions;

a) he is a Muslim;

b) he has attained the age of 21 and is of sound mind;

  • The practice of substituting political correctness for scholarship, namely educating the public in the West about actual the contents of Islam, has become so prevalent that it is undermining our ability to recognize, let alone rectify, any problems.

  • "Some prominent scientists and philosophers have stated openly that moral and political considerations should influence whether we accept or promulgate scientific theories... [M]isrepresenting findings in science to achieve desirable social goals will ultimately harm both science and society." — Nathan Cofnas, writing in the journal Foundations of Science.

  • Many people who need structure prefer every activity proscribed for them. In addition, many people with sadistic wishes might be lured by being given permission to act on these wishes; and not only that, but they are told that these acts are, indeed, obligatory and good, and that the person acting on them is, in the view of many Islamic tenets, heroic.


Honeyford complained of the damage done by the multicultural ‘experts’, whose sole aim seemed to be ghettoisation. He recounted his efforts to explain to parents that it was in fact against the law to take their children out of school for weeks on end during term time. As a result of these efforts, Muslim activists packed a meeting in his school in order to make loud and threatening protests. Honeyford wrote from a spirit of genuine concern for children whom he was trying to protect — girls who were being forced into marriage, boys who came to school already exhausted from their lessons in the madrasah, children who were being brought up to believe that they were living in an alien place to which they did not belong and to which they owed neither loyalty nor gratitude.


Segregation and lack of integration

The Policy Exchange report: “Unsettled Belonging: A survey of Britain’s Muslim communities”, published in 2016, claimed to be the most extensive research of British Muslims ever conducted.[6] The report found that 53% of Muslims were born outside the UK, while 93% had parents born outside the UK. This demonstrates that much of the growth is occurring through immigration.

According to the report, 43% of Muslims support the introduction of sharia law broadly defined. 53% prefer to send their children to a school with strong ‘Muslim values’. 44% said that schools should be able to insist on ‘a hijab or niqab’ in uniform, while 32% disagreed with this.

The government commissioned Dame Louise Casey to review integration in society. Her report was published in December 2016.[7] She found that there is indeed a problem in terms of integration of religious minorities. In a striking statement, she said:

None of the 800 or more people that we met, nor any of the two hundred plus written submissions to the review, said there wasn’t a problem to solve.[8]

In many ways it is encouraging that there is widespread recognition of the problem. This also means that that it is becoming more politically acceptable to say that there is a problem here.

Casey articulated something of a cultural clash in some of our communities:

I also found  … cultural and religious practices in communities that are not only holding some of our citizens back but run contrary to British values and sometimes our laws. Time and time again I found it was women and children who were the targets of these regressive practices. And too often, leaders and institutions were not doing enough to stand up against them and protect those who were vulnerable.[9]

United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland (the)
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Islam is an intolerant religion which should be “challenged and confronted” at every level of society, according to an explosive article published by a Christian lobby group. Tim Dieppe, director of Islamic Affairs at Christian Concern, has penned an investigation into ‘The Challenge of Islam in the UK’ which covers demographics, segregation, cultural influence, jihadists, sharia law, problems in society and the attraction of Islam. Dieppe argues that Islam has a disproportionate influence on British culture given that it represents just five per cent of the population, referencing


In 1991 or ’92 I attended a talk by a Muslim academic at the University of Edinburgh on a topic related to Islam, the specifics of which escape me. Relevant is that the talk took place in Ramadan. He started by explaining to his audience, with more than a little pride of distinction, that he had sought and received special dispensation from a local cleric to be exempted from fasting that day on account of the talk he’d have to give that evening. I remember being struck by the idea of an academic at one of the most esteemed universities in 20th century Britain having to beg some mediaeval ignoramus for permission to eat. I wondered whether the one possessed of such power over the one possessed of such learning could even read.

I was reminded of this proudly-declared indignity again recently, when I came across What happened in Najaf? an account of Abdulaziz Sachedina’s inadvertent submission to an inquisition by Ayatollah Ali Sistani. On 20 August 1998, with staggering naivety, Sachedina sought out the Ayatollah to clear up a small misunderstanding concerning the former’s lectures at the University of Toronto. If Sachedina were familiar with Galileo’s little run-in with the Pope, he might have thought better of going to any such trouble at all. Galileo, at least, did not kowtow to the Holy See. In a series of deepening humiliations over the course of a “total time of three hours and ten minutes” stretched out over two days, during which Sachedina tried to explain his job as an academic to the Ayatollah and the latter tried, with increasing irritation and rudeness, to prohibit Sachedina from ever saying anything about Islam again. Sachedina, growing increasingly exasperated, recalls:

I informed the Ayatollah that I was among the seven American professors who were invited …to participate in a workshop in Tehran …on Civil Society and Civilizational Dialogue… He [Ayatollah Sistani] interrupted me saying that I could speak on civilization because that “is not Islam.” “Civilization and Islam are two different things,”


Indonesia, the world’s biggest Muslim-majority country, has a constitution that recognizes other major religions, and practices a syncretic form of Islam that draws on not just the faith’s tenets but local spiritual and cultural traditions. As a result, the nation has long been a voice of, and for, moderation in the Islamic world.

Yet Indonesia is not without its radical elements. Though most are on the fringe, they can add up to a significant number given Indonesia’s 260-million population. In the early 2000s, the country was terrorized by Jemaah Islamiyah (JI), a homegrown extremist organization allied with al-Qaeda. JI’s deadliest attack was the 2002 Bali bombing that killed 202 people. While JI has been neutralized, ISIS has claimed responsibility for recent, smaller terrorist incidents in the country and has inspired some Indonesians to fight in Syria — Indonesians who could pose a threat when they return home. The country has also seen the rise of hate groups that preach intolerance and violence against local religious and ethnic minorities, which include Shia and Ahmadiya Muslims.


Many Western politicians and intellectuals say that Islamist terrorism has nothing to do with Islam. What is your view?

Western politicians should stop pretending that extremism and terrorism have nothing to do with Islam. There is a clear relationship between fundamentalism, terrorism, and the basic assumptions of Islamic orthodoxy. So long as we lack consensus regarding this matter, we cannot gain victory over fundamentalist violence within Islam.

Radical Islamic movements are nothing new. They’ve appeared again and again throughout our own history in Indonesia. The West must stop ascribing any and all discussion of these issues to “Islamophobia.” Or do people want to accuse me — an Islamic scholar — of being an Islamophobe too?

What basic assumptions within traditional Islam are problematic?

The relationship between Muslims and non-Muslims, the relationship of Muslims with the state, and Muslims’ relationship to the prevailing legal system wherever they live … Within the classical tradition, the relationship between Muslims and non-Muslims is assumed to be one of segregation and enmity.

Perhaps there were reasons for this during the Middle Ages, when the tenets of Islamic orthodoxy were established, but in today’s world such a doctrine is unreasonable. To the extent that Muslims adhere to this view of Islam, it renders them incapable of living harmoniously and peacefully within the multi-cultural, multi-religious societies of the 21st century.

A Western politician would likely be accused of racism for saying what you just said.

I’m not saying that Islam is the only factor causing Muslim minorities in the West to lead a segregated existence, often isolated from society as a whole. There may be other factors on the part of the host nations, such as racism, which exists everywhere in the world. But traditional Islam — which fosters an attitude of segregation and enmity toward non-Muslims — is an important factor.

And Muslims and the state?

Within the Islamic tradition, the state is a single, universal entity that unites all Muslims under the rule of one man who leads them in opposition to, and conflict with, the non-Muslim world.


In summary, I suggest that your general treatment of the anti-jihad movement as somehow linked to the far right, is fundamentally flawed, partial, and inaccurate, and therefore misrepresents the individuals and groups involved, contrary to the Broadcasting Code. I advise you to make sure that your final programme, should you decide to broadcast it, gives a more balanced and accurate view. I also consider that your reporting methods especially the undercover reporting on public demonstrations and in pubs, are fundamentally unethical and I urge you to delete all such footage, and to apologise to the individuals and organisations concerned. I also urge you to consider whether you have acted against the interests of democracy in targeting public demonstrations for secretive filming, and in slurring the leader of a fledgling political party.


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